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Fighting for the right to walk

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By Ramzy Baroud

(source: Znet- Ramzy Baroud’s blogspot)

Gaza’s troubles have somehow been relegated, if not completely dropped from the mainstream media’s radar, and subsequently the world’s conscience and consciousness. Weaning the public from the sadness there conveys the false impression that things are improving and that people are starting to move on and rebuild their lives.

But nothing could be further from the truth. Since the conclusion of Israel’s war last year, the Palestinian Ministry of Health declared that 344 Gaza patients have reportedly been added to the swelling number of casualties.

Khaled Abed Rabbu, once a young father of four is a precise living example, such an eloquent paradigm of what no human being ought to endure in this world laden with international human rights organizations, mediators, advocates and diplomats.

His house was completely destroyed, as were two of his little girls. He buried 7 year old Soad and Amal, just two, soon after burying any hope that Samar his 4 year old daughter’s future would be any less bleak.

According to an IslamOnline report, Khaled’s wife, Kawthar lined up the children in front of their house in the Jabaliya refugee camp, holding a white flag. But their internationally recognized gesture was disregarded by Israeli forces and the shelling of their home and family commenced. These miserable36unfolded at Christmastime last year, when the Rabbu family was reduced by nearly half.

But since then, they, and a disgracefully large number of other such families, have somehow slipped our minds. Completely surrounded still, and prevented from ever advancing back to point zero, the Israeli siege on Gaza is what one must certainly brand the quintessence of barbarism.

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Press statement warrant of arrest for tzipi livni

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wanted_-_livni.png

Following the horrors inflicted upon Gaza by Israel during Operation Cast Lead (between December 2008 and January 2009), the Media Review Network (MRN) and the Palestine Solidarity Alliance (PSA) lodged a formal request to the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) seeking arrest warrants and prosecution of those responsible for war crimes.

The material evidence submitted to the NPA in what has come to be known as the Gaza Docket is on the basis of South Africa’s obligation as a signatory of the Rome Statute to honour the provisions of International Laws and Conventions.

 The imminent arrival of one of the architects of the illegal war against Gaza’s besieged civilian population, Tzipi Livni, to South Africa, is viewed as a provocation and needs to be challenged. We have thus instructed our legal team to take all necessary steps to secure a warrant for her arrest and prosecution as a war criminal.

We are grateful for messages of support from many sectors of South African civil society, including trade unions and activists.

Issued by:

Media Review Network & Palestine Solidarity Alliance

For further details:

 

Iqbal Jassat

Chairman – Media Review Network

Cell: 083 594 3749

Email: mrn_ij@telkomsa.net

Naazim Adam

Co-ordinator – Palestine Solidarity Alliance

Cell: 082 336 6711

Email: palestinesa@gmail.com

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Sri lanka distant voices desperate lives

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Sri Lanka: Distant Voices, Desperate Lives – John Pilger

The Sri Lankan government used Israel’s actions in Gaza as their model for slaughter, Pilger writes.

In the early 1960s, it was the Irish of Derry who would phone late at night, speaking in a single breath, spilling out stories of discrimination and injustice. Who listened to their truth until the violence began? Bengalis from what was then East Pakistan did much the same. Their urgent whispers described terrible state crimes that the news ignored, and they implored us reporters to “let the world know”. Palestinians speaking above the din of crowded rooms in Bethlehem and Beirut asked no more. For me, the most tenacious distant voices have been the Tamils of Sri Lanka, to whom we ought to have listened a very long time ago.

 

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The curse of the black gold

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Oil-rich African countries make billions in petrodollars, but no benefit ensues for their populations, writes Suraya Dadoo

South African oil workers Dan Laarman and Robert Berrie were released after a mercifully short period as hostages in Nigeria’s oil-rich Niger Delta recently.

They, and most of the world, were probably unaware of the devastating impact the oil industry has had on Africa.

In 2001 Washington called for a major diversification of US oil supplies away from the politically volatile Persian Gulf to "friendlier" sub-Saharan Africa. West Africa already supplies about 12% of US crude oil imports, and the US National Intelligence Council predicts that this will rise to 25% by 2015. Nigeria is the largest producer and exporter of oil in west Africa.

More than $300-billion-worth of oil has been pumped from the Niger Delta since 1956. Multinational oil companies such as Shell, ExxonMobil, Total, Eni and Chevron have been pouring billions of dollars into the region for the exploration and production of crude oil. In return, the Nigerian government has been getting billions.

But Nigerians, particularly those in the Niger Delta, live in abject poverty.

In 2003 US aid agency Catholic Relief Services (CRS) released a damning report entitled Bottom of the Barrel, which chronicled the oil industry’s devastating impact on the populations of Africa’s oil-rich countries.

The report concluded that petrodollars had not helped developing countries to reduce poverty – in many cases it had exacerbated it.

Nigeria is a case in point. According to the United Nations, 70% of Nigeria’s population live on less than $1 a day. The percentage of people living in poverty has more than doubled since 1980, despite the government collecting an estimated $14-billion (about R114-billion) a year in oil revenue, according to CRS.

Many of the protest actions in the Niger Delta have been led by women, and they have had some success in forcing concessions from the oil companies.

In 2002, after women occupied several Chevron terminals, the oil company promised to build schools and hire local people. A similar occupation was held in 2003 to pressure Chevron to stop gas flaring, which has created massive air pollution in the region. Chevron called in the police and army, which attacked the protesters. Some of them were killed.

An over-valued exchange rate in Nigeria has devastated the non-oil sectors of the economy while local uprisings over control of oil revenues sparked large-scale military repression in the Niger Delta in the 1990s.

"So overwhelming is mismanagement and rent-seeking that Nigeria has become virtually synonymous with corruption," said the CRS report.

Since the report was released, little has been done to improve the situation in Nigeria, much to the frustration of the Nigerian people.

In 2006 the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (Mend), which claims to be fighting for more local control of the poor region’s oil wealth, started blowing up oil pipelines.

The organisation has now ordered oil companies to leave the Niger Delta.

And it has warned: "This may be the beginning of a full-scale oil war."

In Gabon, too, oil has been at the centre of a string of scandals involving money laundering and government corruption. Oil financed three decades of civil war in Angola where billions of dollars are deposited in offshore accounts.

Other African oil producers with documented records of corruption, electoral fraud and financial mismanagement are Chad, Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The US’s willingness to tolerate serious human rights abuses and questionable practices by oil-producing governments to secure its energy interests is compounding the suffering.

Nigeria has been governed by military dictatorships for most of its post-independence existence.

In the 1990s dictator Sani Abacha presided over a regime of extreme brutality and corruption. But the advocates of oil investment had no problem with military rule in Nigeria, as long as the oil kept flowing.

Equatorial Guinea is the continent’s third-largest oil producer, behind Nigeria and Angola.

After the discovery of oil reserves off the country’s coast in 1994, the US reopened its embassy there.

The administration of US President George Bush has been developing close relations with Equatorial Guinea’s President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo – a man the CIA’s World Factbook described as a ruthless leader.

The country was also the scene of the infamous attempted coup involving former British army officer Simon Mann and his alleged backer Mark Thatcher, the son of former British prime minister Margaret Thatcher.

South African former soldier Nick du Toit is in jail in the notorious Black Beach prison for his part in the plot.

International financier George Soros has funded several initiatives to seek greater transparency in the management of revenues from natural resources.

These initiatives include the Open Society Institute and the Revenue Watch movement.

In 2002 more than 130 civil society groups around the world endorsed the Publish What You Pay campaign. The initiative promotes mandatory disclosure of extractive industry revenues from multinational companies to host governments. The coalition also called on the G8 to promote transparency about oil, gas and mining revenues worldwide.

Former British prime minister Tony Blair launched the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI) at the World Summit for Sustainable Development in Joburg in 2002. EITI called for the mandatory disclosure of payments made by oil, mining and gas companies to host states.

But, after pressure from oil companies, British and American authorities abandoned the mandatory approach in favour of a voluntary one.

"The purely voluntary approach will not work in the countries where it is most needed because many political and business elites have major vested interests in avoiding transparency," says Simon Taylor, director of Global Witness, which works to expose links between natural resource exploitation and human rights abuses.

In the past few years, prominent human rights and development groups such as Human Rights Watch, Oxfam America, Save the Children, the Open Society Institute and others have joined local groups in oil-producing countries in calling for the mandatory disclosure of payments.

Campaigners believe that without stronger enforcement, these initiatives will make little difference in helping African countries to benefit from their oil reserves.

As efforts to force oil companies to publicly reveal how much money they pay African governments have failed, the poverty, desperation and anger of the people of Africa’s oil-producing states escalate. It is oil industry workers like Laarman and Berrie who bear the brunt of this anger.

Suraya Dadoo is a researcher for Media Review Network, a Gauteng-based advocacy group (www.mediareviewnet.com).

Published on the web by Star on September 28, 2008.
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© Star 2008. All rights reserved.

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