By Mariam Jooma Çarıkçı
On a humid January day, a group of South African activists protested outside the UAE embassy in Pretoria, condemning the Gulf state’s complicity in the genocide in Gaza. Their demonstration, rooted in a broader struggle for justice, underscores how global conflicts are interconnected. As Nelson Mandela famously stated, “South Africa will not be free until Palestine is free.” This sentiment holds particular relevance in analyzing the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where economic exploitation, geopolitical maneuvering, and historical alliances link South Africa, Rwanda, and Israel.
Rwanda, Israel, and the Exploitation of the DRC
The DRC, endowed with vast mineral wealth—including diamonds, coltan, and gold—has long been a target of resource exploitation. Rwanda, under President Paul Kagame, has been accused of illicitly benefiting from these resources, with Israeli businesses playing a significant role in facilitating trade networks. The UN has raised concerns over Rwanda’s support for the M23 rebel group, which has captured key territories in eastern DRC, worsening an already dire humanitarian situation.
While Israel presents itself as a development partner in Africa, its deep involvement in the region’s mining and security industries suggests otherwise. The Israeli diamond trade, for instance, has been linked to conflict minerals from Africa, fueling instability while enriching Israeli businesses. One glaring example is Israeli businessman Dan Gertler, who amassed a fortune through exploitative deals in the DRC’s mining sector, reportedly costing the country billions in lost revenue.
Israel’s Military Ties to Rwanda: Arming the Conflict
Israel’s military support for Rwanda dates back to the years before the 1994 genocide. Despite rising ethnic tensions, Israel supplied the Rwandan government with weapons, including Galil assault rifles, Uzi submachine guns, and surveillance technology. Today, Israeli companies continue to provide Rwanda with military-grade equipment, including drones and cyber tools used to suppress dissent. Kagame’s government has also sourced crowd-control gear and border monitoring systems from Israel, mirroring the extensive surveillance infrastructure used to police Palestinians in the occupied territories.
The Israel-Rwanda relationship is not merely transactional—it is strategic. Kagame was the only African head of state to address the influential American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), where he framed Rwanda’s history of genocide as a cautionary tale against “denial and trivialization.” However, Kagame’s invocation of genocide contrasts sharply with Rwanda’s role in the DRC, where an estimated six million people have died in conflicts since 1996.
Apartheid South Africa and Israel: A Strategic Alliance
The historical alliance between Israel and apartheid South Africa was built on shared military cooperation, economic ties, and political interests. Israel supplied the apartheid regime with weapons and intelligence, while South Africa provided Israel with uranium for its nuclear program. This partnership contradicts the notion that opposition to Zionism is solely religious; rather, it is a political stance against systems of racial and ethnic supremacy.
Much like apartheid South Africa, Israel has built an exclusionary state that systematically displaces and oppresses an indigenous population. Just as international pressure ultimately dismantled apartheid, growing global movements are calling for accountability regarding Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.
South Africa’s Role in the Regional Conflict
Despite its history of anti-colonial struggle, South Africa finds itself entangled in the political and economic web of the DRC conflict. The country’s diamond industry, dominated by De Beers, has been implicated in questionable dealings that mirror the extractive practices seen in the DRC. Reports have shown that between 2005 and 2012, South African diamond exporters—primarily De Beers—undervalued their rough diamond exports by $3 billion, depriving the government of much-needed revenue.
South Africa’s legal and political stance on Israel also raises questions. While the National Prosecuting Authority has not taken action against South African citizens serving in the Israeli army—despite their involvement in war crimes—there are concerns that diplomatic negotiations with Rwanda may be influencing this inaction. The South African government’s reluctance to prosecute these individuals could be linked to geopolitical deals, such as securing the safe return of South African troops from conflict zones in the DRC.
Rwanda’s Economic Role: A Conduit for Conflict Minerals
Although Rwanda has limited natural mineral reserves, it is a major exporter of cobalt, coltan, and tin—all resources that originate from the DRC. UN reports estimate that at least 150 metric tons of coltan were smuggled from the DRC into Rwanda in 2023 alone. The capture of Goma by the M23 rebels—allegedly backed by Rwanda—has provided a direct smuggling route, reinforcing claims that Rwanda profits from the DRC’s instability.
Rwanda has also used its growing global influence to position itself as a reliable security partner for the West. With over 5,000 troops deployed in UN peacekeeping missions across Africa, Kagame’s government has leveraged its military role to strengthen ties with the U.S., EU, and Israel. Additionally, Rwanda’s involvement in “sportswashing” efforts—such as its sponsorship of Arsenal Football Club—demonstrates its strategic branding to attract Western investments.
Israel’s Use of Agriculture and Mining to Secure Influence
Beyond military and security ties, Israel has sought to expand its influence in Africa through agricultural and mining investments. Companies like Netafim have promoted Israeli technology in water management, while Israeli firms have secured mining deals that further embed them in African economies. However, these engagements often come with diplomatic conditions, pressuring African states to align with Israel’s geopolitical objectives, particularly concerning Palestine.
In 2018, Israeli media reported a secret agreement in which Rwanda agreed to accept African asylum seekers deported from Israel in exchange for financial compensation. Although Rwanda denied the deal, the controversy highlighted how the country is often used as a diplomatic pawn for Israeli interests.
Gulf States and the DRC Conflict: Economic Power Brokers
While Western nations play a dominant role in African affairs, Gulf states such as the UAE and Saudi Arabia have also emerged as influential actors. Their investments in extractive industries and infrastructure projects have given them leverage over African economies. In 2022, the DRC signed a 25-year contract with the UAE’s Primera Group, granting it exclusive rights to export artisanal-mined gold. However, this deal faced backlash, leading the DRC to take full control of the company in 2024.
UAE-based companies have also been implicated in sourcing illicit gold from conflict zones in the DRC. In 2020, the U.S. Treasury sanctioned Belgian businessman Alain Goetz and his network of UAE-linked firms for financing armed groups through illegal gold trade. This underscores how Gulf states, like Western powers, have exploited Africa’s resources under the guise of economic development.
The Call for Economic Sovereignty
The intricate relationships between the DRC, Rwanda, Israel, and South Africa reflect deeper global issues of economic exploitation and geopolitical control. African nations must reclaim economic sovereignty, resist external manipulation, and forge alliances that prioritize regional development over extractive partnerships.
South Africa, in particular, has a moral and political responsibility to challenge systems of oppression, both in Africa and beyond. Just as the world once united against apartheid, there must be renewed efforts to dismantle exploitative networks that sustain conflicts in the DRC, Palestine, and other regions plagued by foreign intervention.
Mariam Jooma Çarıkçı is a researcher with the Media Review Network and the author of ‘Kurdistan: Achievable reality or political mirage?’ (2013).
