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The goldstone commission on Gaza

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The Goldstone Commission on Gaza 
 
 
 Goldstone_team_gaza
In Gaza, the idea of the Goldstone Commission was received with resignation.
 
By Shafiq Morton – Cape Town

When the most recent Goldstone Commission, appointed by the United Nations Human Rights Council, announced its intentions to probe human rights violations and the possibility of war crimes during Israel’s 22-day invasion of Gaza, it did not exactly set the media on fire.

Nor did its lukewarm response in Israeli and Palestinian circles help much either, with Goldstone being described as a “passing cloud” by an Israeli spokesman, and Israel predictably refusing to recognize the commission.

Then there was the fact that Israel had already officially exonerated its forces in the invasion. It had contended there were no deliberate attacks on Palestinian civilians, and that there were only isolated mistakes leading to the deaths of 21 unarmed combatants.

How this fits in with the internationally-agreed death tally of about 1,400 Palestinians (with over 900 being unarmed civilians) is difficult to say. The BBC reports that ten Israeli soldiers (four by friendly fire) and three civilians died in the conflict.

In Gaza, the idea of the Goldstone Commission was received with resignation. Too many international commissions had come and gone in Gaza without promise, so was there really any reason to get excited about this one?

However, in the corridors of Israeli officialdom and the United States there was just enough edginess to hint that Goldstone was an influential enough figure to make the truth embarrassing. Indeed, if any legal figure had the prerequisite gravitas on Gaza, it had to be Justice Richard Goldstone.

He had not only played a pivotal role in the South African peace process via his commission on political violence in KwaZulu Natal (it had claimed thousands of lives) and his role in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, but also as a Constitutional Court judge.

His progression to chief prosecutor at the UN International Criminal Tribunals in the Rwanda and Yugoslavia conflicts was seen by many as a natural step in his already illustrious career.

 

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Im here for you says public editor

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I’m here for you, says the public editor
 

Thabo Leshilo wants to promote greater understanding between journalists and their public

When Mike Robertson, the MD of Avusa Media, asked if I would like to “take on a new challenge” as group public editor, I accepted without hesitation. That is not to say I was not apprehensive.

Let us face it: this is unchartered waters for both the company and me.

The beauty, though, is that we are all on a learning curve. For me, the new responsibility represents yet another step in my lifelong apprenticeship in this noble craft called journalism.

I also accepted because the idea of having a public editor showed Avusa’s commitment to quality journalism and giving a voice to readers, which resonates with my desire to promote greater understanding between journalists and the public they serve.

This conviction is born of a fear on my part that the public does not fully appreciate what we do, hence its unwillingness to support us in our hour of need. We have, in my view, failed dismally in getting the public on our side, getting it to understand why it is important for us to be free to report for the public good.

My role is that of an independent representative of readers of Avusa Media’s publications. This means I am your advocate, batting for you full time. It is my job to ensure your opinions count.

My success will be measured by whether your comments, concerns and complaints receive timely and adequate attention and response from the company’s publications — the Sunday Times, The Times, Sowetan, Sunday World, The Herald, Weekend Post, Daily Dispatch and Saturday Dispatch.

It is informed by the belief that such responsiveness to, and greater respect for, readers’ concerns provides an added impetus for journalists to adhere to the highest standards of accuracy, ethics, integrity, fairness and balance in reporting.

I’m also charged with the role of publicly assessing the publications’ adherence to their editorial policies, the laws of the land and that of the South African Press Code, which seeks to ensure that news is “truthful, accurate, fair and balanced”. In cases of infringement, I will determine, in consultation with the editors, when and how prominent apologies and corrections will be published.

Now, it goes without saying that my success will be invariably linked to the level of commitment by all parties concerned – title editors and all journalists, including section heads and reporters.

I expect to have similar co-operation from the commercial side of the newspapers in so far as they become the subject of complaints by readers. Above all, the onus will lie squarely on you, the reader, to determine whether your public editor bites or not. In other words, whether I become the bulldog I intend to be, or get reduced to a sausage dog, will depend on the level of your engagement .

The editors are expected to set aside regular, sufficient space for a column that addresses readers’ concerns, complaints and industry issues. The column will appear weekly, alternating between dailies and weekend publications.

Most importantly, the column will be an independent platform and not be subject to the approval of an editor. The Avusa Media newspapers and their websites shall advertise prominently the existence of the office of the public editor and how to contact it.

I have no illusions that my job is going to be a walk in the park. Far from it. I expect many of my colleagues would be annoyed by the prospect of being “second-guessed” after publication. Inevitably, I will step on some sensitive toes and rub some people the wrong way. That comes with the territory, as do large egos.

That is understandable. Good journalists — including editors — take their jobs seriously and go the extra mile to make sure that their work is never found wanting. Thus they are reluctant to admit mistakes. I also expect apprehension that my views could provide added ammunition to detractors and enemies of press freedom.

I understand these concerns, but I believe we all have to learn to live with them. Given the enormous power we journalists wield, it is about time we demonstrated a greater willingness to be more transparent and accountable in our dealings with the public. That, in my view, can only endear us to the people we serve, and I cannot think of a better way to safeguard press freedom.

The public editor is open for business: please e-mail your concerns, comments and complaints to publiceditor@avusa.co.za. The postal address is Public editor, 4 Biermann Avenue, Rosebank 2196, and the fax number is 011-328-2587.

 

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Condoleezza Rice waits for vindication

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Condoleezza Rice waits for vindication

After George W. Bush spent all of Colin Powell’s political capital, he installed Condoleezza Rice as Secretary of State for his second term in office. The image of the United States had taken a beating around the world and was in dire need of a makeover. Enter Dr. Rice.

Initially, the cable news channels could not get enough of Rice’s stylish boots and cosmopolitan demeanor, a foreshadowing of the patronizing canonization of Michelle Obama. Underlying the disgusting fawning was a genuine hope that Rice would restore our tarnished reputation.

Foreign diplomats recognized the rift between Powell and Bush, so the State Department did not carry much clout. WIth Rice, other nations could be assured that her words and deeds were completely in line with the intentions of the president.

Rice wanted to revitalize the State Department. She pulled people out of cozy posts in Europe, and began placing them in areas that required more attention such as India, China, South Africa, and Brazil. Diplomats were required to do some hard time in trouble spots like Iraq and Afghanistan. They were also directed to become fluent in at least two languages and gain expertise regarding at least two regions of the world. More emphasis was placed on local and regional approaches to drug trafficking and disease. Bilateral discussions were to be promoted on the basis of improving infrastructure and lessening the need for handouts. These efforts were collectively dubbed "Transformational Democracy."

 

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