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Im here for you says public editor

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I’m here for you, says the public editor
 

Thabo Leshilo wants to promote greater understanding between journalists and their public

When Mike Robertson, the MD of Avusa Media, asked if I would like to “take on a new challenge” as group public editor, I accepted without hesitation. That is not to say I was not apprehensive.

Let us face it: this is unchartered waters for both the company and me.

The beauty, though, is that we are all on a learning curve. For me, the new responsibility represents yet another step in my lifelong apprenticeship in this noble craft called journalism.

I also accepted because the idea of having a public editor showed Avusa’s commitment to quality journalism and giving a voice to readers, which resonates with my desire to promote greater understanding between journalists and the public they serve.

This conviction is born of a fear on my part that the public does not fully appreciate what we do, hence its unwillingness to support us in our hour of need. We have, in my view, failed dismally in getting the public on our side, getting it to understand why it is important for us to be free to report for the public good.

My role is that of an independent representative of readers of Avusa Media’s publications. This means I am your advocate, batting for you full time. It is my job to ensure your opinions count.

My success will be measured by whether your comments, concerns and complaints receive timely and adequate attention and response from the company’s publications — the Sunday Times, The Times, Sowetan, Sunday World, The Herald, Weekend Post, Daily Dispatch and Saturday Dispatch.

It is informed by the belief that such responsiveness to, and greater respect for, readers’ concerns provides an added impetus for journalists to adhere to the highest standards of accuracy, ethics, integrity, fairness and balance in reporting.

I’m also charged with the role of publicly assessing the publications’ adherence to their editorial policies, the laws of the land and that of the South African Press Code, which seeks to ensure that news is “truthful, accurate, fair and balanced”. In cases of infringement, I will determine, in consultation with the editors, when and how prominent apologies and corrections will be published.

Now, it goes without saying that my success will be invariably linked to the level of commitment by all parties concerned – title editors and all journalists, including section heads and reporters.

I expect to have similar co-operation from the commercial side of the newspapers in so far as they become the subject of complaints by readers. Above all, the onus will lie squarely on you, the reader, to determine whether your public editor bites or not. In other words, whether I become the bulldog I intend to be, or get reduced to a sausage dog, will depend on the level of your engagement .

The editors are expected to set aside regular, sufficient space for a column that addresses readers’ concerns, complaints and industry issues. The column will appear weekly, alternating between dailies and weekend publications.

Most importantly, the column will be an independent platform and not be subject to the approval of an editor. The Avusa Media newspapers and their websites shall advertise prominently the existence of the office of the public editor and how to contact it.

I have no illusions that my job is going to be a walk in the park. Far from it. I expect many of my colleagues would be annoyed by the prospect of being “second-guessed” after publication. Inevitably, I will step on some sensitive toes and rub some people the wrong way. That comes with the territory, as do large egos.

That is understandable. Good journalists — including editors — take their jobs seriously and go the extra mile to make sure that their work is never found wanting. Thus they are reluctant to admit mistakes. I also expect apprehension that my views could provide added ammunition to detractors and enemies of press freedom.

I understand these concerns, but I believe we all have to learn to live with them. Given the enormous power we journalists wield, it is about time we demonstrated a greater willingness to be more transparent and accountable in our dealings with the public. That, in my view, can only endear us to the people we serve, and I cannot think of a better way to safeguard press freedom.

The public editor is open for business: please e-mail your concerns, comments and complaints to publiceditor@avusa.co.za. The postal address is Public editor, 4 Biermann Avenue, Rosebank 2196, and the fax number is 011-328-2587.

 

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Sudan criticises palin biden over darfur flight ban

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Sudan criticised both U.S. vice-presidential contenders on Sunday for suggesting they might support a no-fly zone over Darfur, saying the plan showed they knew little about the conflict.

Many activists have called for the U.N. to police a no-fly zone over the region to stop attacks.

Sarah Palin, the Republican governor of Alaska, said she supported a flight ban in Sudan’s remote west during a televised debate with her Democratic rival Joe Biden on Thursday.

Biden, the Democratic senator from Delaware, did not explicitly call for a ban but said: "I don’t have the stomach for genocide when it comes to Darfur. We can now impose a no-fly zone. It is within our capacity. We can lead NATO if we are willing to take a hard stand."

But Sudanese foreign ministry spokesman Ali al-Sadig on Sunday dismissed the statements of both candidates saying a no-fly zone would be impractical and useless.

"They know very little about what is going on here," he said. "Their statements were meant for local consumption. They had nothing to do with Darfur."

Sadig said an air ban would be ineffective because the Sudanese armed forces were not using aircraft in their ongoing struggle against rebel groups in Darfur.

He said government planes and helicopters were only being used to fight bandits and protect humanitarian convoys.

"It would be a very short-sighted move. Curbing the actions of the armed forces would impede the flow of humanitarian aid to Darfur and tie the hands of the government in its efforts to prevent attacks on aid convoys," he added.

Earlier his year, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown said he would like to move ahead with a no-fly zone for Darfur "if it were at all possible".

But British foreign ministry officials later said they were not pursuing a ban because it would restrict humanitarian work. Darfur’s size and a shortage of planes to monitor the ban would also make it "a major logistical challenge", they added. The remote western region is roughly the same size as Spain.

Reuters
http://www.worldbulletin.net/ , printed on 06.10.2008.

Read More »Sudan criticises palin biden over darfur flight ban

Will fatah “ as much as Isarael “ be the target of the next intifada?

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by Ben White

(source: The Conflicts Forum)

For the best part of half a century, Fatah dominated Palestinian politics. Israeli attempts to extinguish the movement failed; rivals were co-opted or sidelined. But gradually, as the Oslo years gave way to the Second Intifada, the peace process went up in smoke and Hamas emerged as a genuine contender for Palestinian political loyalties, serious and critical divisions within the movement have come to the surface. This piece examines the current crisis facing the Fatah movement, and possibilities for the future: critical issues facing the movement — internal divisions, differences over strategy often sharply focused on the question of resistance and/or negotiations, the relationship with Hamas, as well as some of the different options facing Fatah in terms of a way out of the crisis, and approaches being suggested as solutions to the crisis.

Background
From its beginnings as a guerrilla group in the 1960s, Fatah moved to the forefront of the Palestinian national movement, dominating the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), and seeing off challenges to its leadership in the 1970s and 1980s. With the First Intifada raging in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) in the late 1980s, some within Fatah began initially secretive talks with the Israelis, ultimately culminating in the Oslo Accords.

Read More »Will fatah “ as much as Isarael “ be the target of the next intifada?