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The balfour declaration the role of the british

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THE BALFOUR DECLARATION &The Role of the British

Zionism originated in Eastern and Central Europe in the late 19th century under the impact of nationalism which engendered Western Christendom’s savagery towards its Jew, culminating in the Holocaust. This aversion is well manifested in Adolf Hitler’s perception of a Jew – the evil incarnate into whom he projected all that he hated and feared.

Hounded everywhere, political Zionism under Theodor Herzl (1860 – 1904) emerged to rescue a downtrodden people. He concluded that assimilation would be impossible and therefore at the World Congress of Zionist in Basel, Switzerland (1897), he committed himself to establishing a ‘national home’ for the Jewish people that called for a mass Jewish settlement in Palestine or the Sinai Peninsula. When Herzl’s initiatives with the Ottomans failed, he was willing to accept Britain’s offer of Uganda but for violent opposition within the Zionist Congress of 1903.

In the Arab lands of the Ottoman Empire new developments were unfolding. Arab nationalism was on the rise. The British, ever so vigilant, sought to exploit the situation – keenly aware that devoid of the Hejaz, the Ottoman Empire would be deprived of its legitimacy and hence its survival; to this end, with characteristic cunning, aligned Arab against Turk – Arab dissent, subversion followed.

Largely inspired by the British, Sharif Husayn of Mecca, on the strength of a British pledge, came out in revolt against the Ottomans in 1916.

British diplomacy has never been guileless. The solemn declaration to recognise the independence of Arab regions (including Palestine) as demanded by the sharif of Mecca, was not meant to be honoured, the secret Sykes – Picot Agreement (09 May, 1916) would ensure that, whereby, in an Allied victory, the Arab territories would be divided into French and British spheres of influence, Palestine would be placed under international administration.

Meanwhile, unbeknown to the Arabs that the British had reneged on their pledge, their nationalist aspirations continued to mount.

Moreover, for the Palestinian Arabs, the threat of Zionism had emerged – The Balfour Declaration (Nov. 2, 1917). In a letter to Baron Rothschild, a leader of British Jewry; Arthur Balfour, the British foreign secretary, stated that the British ‘supported the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people’ and ‘nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religions rights of existing non Jewish communities in Palestine’.

Embedded in the declaration’s ambiguities was the hand-over of Palestine to the Jews – the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine; indeed its architects themselves were soon to expound on its obscurities.

British policy does not conform to ethics. With the stroke of a colonial pen the woes of the Palestinian people had begun, and indeed those of the Middle East.

At the end of World War I (1918), with the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the British occupied Palestine; in 1922 the mandate for Palestine, by the newly founded League of Nations, was granted to Great Britain.

Confronted by Zionism’s aggressively exclusive attitude; waves of immigrants; fruitless deputations to London, it needed no astute mind to discern the situation.

Moreover, the Palestinians contended that the objectives of the mandate were to gradually enable the people of Palestine to self-determination. Indeed, but for British intrigue, which allowed for the incorporation of the Balfour Declaration; thus sanctioned the future of Zionism in Palestine. (Was it not Balfour himself who proclaimed: ‘…for Palestinians we deliberately and rightly decline to accept the principles of self determination.’)

With all his nationalist yearnings, his own harsh realities, the Palestinian peasant surfaced, armed with nothing more than old weaponry and his conviction, to defend his rights. (By and large it had been the rebellion of the peasants, which had taken the British three years to quell (1936 – 1939)).

British fury had no reservations: of a population of a million Palestinians, 5000 killed, 14 000 wounded; its leadership in exile; the bold, imprisoned; terror campaigns on their villages; above all, left with no weaponry to fight, from this the Palestinian emerged only with his conviction intact.

With Shaikh Qassam’s dying call for liberation still echoing, the struggle had but only begun… .

Amena Hayat,
Cape Town

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Forget the headlines Iraqi freedom deferred

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Forget the Headlines: Iraqi Freedom Deferred
 

  us army iraq square
Antiwar activists must not forget that 130,000 US soldiers remain in the country.
 

By Ramzy Baroud

As US combat troops redeployed to the outskirts of Iraqi cities on June 30, well-staged celebrations commenced. The pro-US Iraqi government declared “independence day” as police vehicles roamed the streets of war-weary Iraq in an unpersuasive show of national rejoicing. US mainstream media joined the chorus, as if commemorating the end of an era.

Meanwhile, top US administration and army officials cautioned Iraqis of their own recklessness. “Biden Warns Iraq About Reverting to Sectarian Violence,” read a New York Times headline. “What will it take to make a good exit from Iraq?” inquired a Kansas City Star analysis. But missing from news headlines and commentary was any indication of direct US responsibility for the genocide that has befallen Iraq.

How can one claim that US ambitions in Iraq have altered if the ongoing legacy in Iraq is being perceived as a strategic mistake, rather than a moral one?

One thing remains the same, for sure: and that is the arrogance that has long permeated US relations with Iraq. “The president and I appreciate that Iraq has traveled a great distance over the past year, but there is a hard road ahead if Iraq is going to find lasting peace and stability,” said Vice President Biden during a visit to Baghdad on July 3rd. Biden’s remarks were saturated with the same hubris that defined the former administration’s attitude towards Iraq for years: ‘we did our share, that of liberating you, and now its your turn to take charge of your own security’, type of rhetoric. “It’s not over yet,” Biden said. Ironically, he is right, since that could only mean the complete withdrawal of US troops from Iraq, the end of foreign meddling in the country’s affairs, and the removal of corrupt politicians that have destroyed the country’s national identity in favour of sectarian camps endlessly fighting for dominance and privilege. Indeed, it’s anything 
but over.

It’s true that the majority of Americans now accept the once rebuked claim that the Iraq war was predicated on a lie, and readily blame former President Bush for drawing the country into a costly war that should have never happened. President Obama’s arrival has seemingly ushered in a new discourse of honesty and national introspection.

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Arab journalists fear crackdown

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By Adam Makary

Hassan Rachidi, Al Jazeera’s bureau chief in Morocco, is one among many Middle Eastern journalists facing charges of conspiracy by local governments, who have been accused by rights organisations of seeking to curb press freedoms.

The Moroccan government has accused Rachidi of conspiracy and broadcasting false information over clashes between security forces and young unemployed protesters in Sidi Ifni, a Moroccan fishing port 100km southwest of the capital Rabat, on June 7.

Several local human rights organisations reported that between one and eight people had died in the clashes.

Ibrahim Sebaa El-Layl, an official with the Moroccan Committee for Human Rights (CMDH), also faces accusations of disseminating false information relating to the protests.

Sequence of events

“The first person that called me was El-Layl, a human rights activist and CMDH representative,” Rachidi said.

Besides CMDH, other human rights organisations sent faxes to Al Jazeera’s Rabat bureau regarding the protest.

“They signed their names to verify their reports. Even witnesses had called my journalists in the office saying how they saw young people dead on the street because of the violence,” Rachidi said.

Abiding by journalistic ethics, Rachidi called the Moroccan communication ministry to verify the casualty figures, but the government denied there were any deaths.

“I spoke with an official from the interior ministry who first denied the protest taking place, but later confirmed clashes and denied that not even one death occurred,” Rachidi said.

In his report broadcast on June 7 at 12:00 GMT, Rachidi reported the accounts from witnesses and the human rights groups, but also indicated that the Moroccan government had denied any deaths.

An hour after his report aired, the Moroccan government issued a press release, confirming the protests but denying any deaths.

The press release also said that Al Jazeera’s Morocco office had released false information and urged the Qatari-based station to issue a public retraction.

“Once it was released an hour later, we sent their document along with the information we gathered on Sidi Ifni from that point on, including CMDH reports who continued to confirm the deaths they had initially reported on the protests.”

Police interrogation

Then at 15:30 GMT, police arrived at Rachidi’s office and took him to a local police station for interrogation.

“I spent four hours at the police station and they asked me about my sources, about who sent the first bulletin from the office in Morocco to the headquarters in Doha, and about my experience as a journalist.

“Also, they asked me if I published the story to start some conspiracy and of course, I answered saying I have done my work as a journalist and that I had no intention to involve myself with any conspiracy.”

On June 13, he received a letter stating that he was to appear in a Rabat court on July 1.

Communication ministry officials then arrived to confiscate Rachidi’s press card and the accreditation which permits him to report from Morocco.

Tawfiq Boasharein, the editor-in-chief of Al Massae, an independent Moroccan newspaper, said Rachidi is not the only journalist dealing with the impact of a new wave of censorship laws sweeping the region.

Media apprehensions

Boasharein fears that Rachidi’s trial could set a precedent for governments to crack down on freedom of speech and increase the intimidation of journalists working outside state-controlled media.

He said: “In the past, the government used its executive power to repress journalists, but today, the government is using the judiciary system to suppress freedom. We are now dealing with a new set of oppressive laws. And my newspaper is suffering because of them.”

“In the past, the government used its executive power to repress journalists, but today, the government is using the judiciary system to suppress freedom”

Many critics have said that The Principles for Regulating Satellite Broadcasting Transmission in the Arab World, an Arab League charter, could empower Arab governments to further pressure local and regional media organisations.

Written by Hussein Amin, a professor of journalism at the American University in Cairo and a member of Egypt’s ruling National Democratic Party, the charter seeks to rewrite the rules for satellite broadcasters in the Arab world.

Critics view the new rules as an attempt by Cairo and Riyadh, who proposed the charter in February, to rein in pan-Arab broadcasters like Al Jazeera, whose reporting is sometimes critical of regional governments.

But four more governments – Oman, Bahrain, Syria and UAE – have now joined Lebanon and Qatar in refusing to ratify the charter.

Nadar Gohar, the owner of the Cairo News Company (CNC), is another apparent victim of attempts to control what Arab news organisations broadcast.

He was charged by Egyptian authorities with operating without proper licenses after police raided CNC’s office and confiscated the company’s transmission equipment on April 17.

Media and human rights groups condemned the Egytian crackdown.

CNC provides services to many major international media organisations including Al Jazeera, the BBC, CNN, France 2 and Dubai TV.

The proposed Arab charter could stifle the media further.

It includes 13 articles on regulating media in the Arab world, including provisions for the signatory countries to freeze or revoke the broadcasting license of any channel that breaks the regulations.

According to Rachidi, it would become increasingly difficult for journalists to do their job.

“The charter is only the beginning,” he said.

Rachidi predicts that “a kind of monitoring service will be established within each Arab country as an authority to slow down or block the progress of journalists in the region”.

But the media is refusing to be caged without a fight.

Reporters Without Borders, a Paris-based media rights watchdog, has condemned the Moroccan authorities for taking away Rachidi’s press accredidation.

“This relentless attitude betrays the authorities’ real hostility towards Al Jazeera and its Moroccan editorial team,” the group said.

If found guilty, Rachidi could face up to one year in jail and a fine of 100,000DH ($13,750).

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