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Middle east project

The Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa

Middle East Project:announces an international conference on the future of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict:

Cape Town, South Africa
12-14 June 2009
‘RE-ENVISIONING       ISRAEL/PALESTINE’

inviting South African and international scholars and professionals concerned about the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to review and debate the latest evidence, analysis, and theory related to existing and alternative strategies for its just and stable resolution.

CONFERENCE THEMES:

 The International Law of Occupation Revisited
 National Identities and Democracy in Israel-Palestine
 The Political-Economy and Geography of Peace
 Building Arab-African Agendas toward Justice and Democracy

Website:   www.hsrc.ac.za/middleeastconference
International Conference:
‘Re-Envisioning Israel-Palestine’
Confirmed Participants

Convenor: Dr Virginia Tilley, Chief Research Specialist
Research Director: Dr Adrian Hadland, Research Managing Director
Administration: Tania Fraser, administrative assistant, Democracy and Governance
Contact: +27-(0)21-466-7924, mep@hsrc.ac.za

Theme 1: International Law of Occupation Revisited
Chair: John Dugard, Extraordinary Professor, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria, and former Special Rapporteur on the Question of Palestine for the United Nations Commission on Human Rights
Max du Plessis, Professor of Law, University of KwaZulu Natal (Durban)
Sahar Francis, Director, Addameer/Prisoners’ Support and Human Rights Association (Jerusalem)
Adrian Friedman, Advocate, Legal Resources Centre (Johannesburg)
Outi Korhonen, Associate Professor of Law, American University of Cairo
Stefan Lütgenau, Programme Director, Bruno Kreisky Foundation for Human Rights and convenor of the Working Group on Palestine/Israel for the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (Austria)
Daniel Machover, head of civil litigation, Hickman & Rose Solicitors, and co-founder, Lawyers for Palestinian Human Rights (London)
Mazen Masri, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University (Toronto)
 John Reynolds, Researcher, Al-Haq (Ramallah)
Bruce Ryder, Associate Professor of Law and Director of the Centre for Public Law & Public Policy, Osgoode Hall Law School, University of York (Toronto)
Iain Scobbie, Director and Sir Joseph Hotung Research Professor in Law, School for Oriental & African Studies (London)
Elna Sondergaard, Director of the International Human Rights Law Programme, American University of Cairo

Theme 2: Identity and Democracy in the Middle East
Chair: Nadim Rouhana, Professor of International Negotiations and Conflict Studies at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, Boston, and Director of the Mada al-Carmel/Centre for Applied Social Science (Haifa)
 Adi Ophir, Professor of Political Philosophy, Cohn Institute, University of Tel Aviv
Fouad Moughrabi, Professor of Political Sciences, University of Tennessee-Chattanooga
Steven Friedman, Director, Centre for the Study of Democracy, University of Johannesburg

Theme 3: Political Economy and the Politics of Conflict
Chair: Leila Farsakh, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Massachusetts-Boston
Sara Roy, Professor of Political Science and Senior Research Fellow, Center for Middle East Studies, Harvard University (Boston)
 Samia al-Botmeh, Director, Centre for Development Studies, Birzeit University
 Jamil Hilal, sociologist, Bir Zeit
Alain Gresh, Editor, Le Monde Diplomatique
Jad Isaac, Director, Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem (ARIJ) (Bethlehem) 

Theme 4: Arab-African Networks on Conflict & Democracy
Chair: Gerhard Maré, Professor of Sociology and Director, Centre for Critical Research on Race and Identity, University of KwaZulu Natal (Durban)
Adam Habib, Deputy Vice-Chancellor for Research, Innovation and Development, University of Johannesburg
Jamal Juma’, Coordinator, Palestinian Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign (Ramallah)
____________________________________________________________________________

THEME DESCRIPTION
This conference responds to growing international concern about the dangerous stagnation of the Israeli-Palestinian ‘peace process.’ As present paradigms for the effective resolution of the conflict have proved inadequate, alternatives and new directions are urgently sought by diplomats, politicians, lawyers, and concerned professionals from both sides as well as the international community. This conference accordingly seeks to bring new thinking and academic analysis to the forefront that can illuminate strategies for a just and stable resolution of the conflict. To encourage and enable a holistic analysis, the conference will solicit presentations from a spectrum of disciplines.
The conference will especially seek to connect South African and Middle East scholars in order to foster new research linkages regarding democracy and identity in Africa and the Middle East. Strong representation by senior South African scholars and experts is expected.

Themes
Themes reflect workshops and activities of the HSRC Middle East Project (MEP) in 2007-2009. Each is chaired by a scholar involved in directing or supervising those events.

Theme 1: The International Law of Occupation Revisited
Theme Chair: John Dugard, Extraordinary Professor  at the Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria, and former Special Rapporteur on the Question of Palestine for the United Nations Commission on Human Rights
The fortieth anniversary of Israel’s 1967 occupation of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, coupled with Israel`s continued failure to comply with international law, has suggested to some legal scholars that the fundamental character of the occupation may require re-assessment. This theme invites papers exploring whether features of other international law regimes, such as apartheid and colonialism, are manifest in Israeli policy and what this analysis implies legally for the conflict and the international community. Proposals developing theory about how frameworks of IHL and IHRL may evolve or co-exist are also welcome. (Participants will be invited to engage with the HSRC’s special project on this subject.)

Theme 2:  Identities and Democracy in Israel-Palestine
Theme Chair: Dr Nadim Rouhana, Professor of International Negotiations and Conflict Studies at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, Boston, and Director of the Mada al-Carmel/Centre for Applied Social Science (Haifa)
The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is commonly understood as steered by two duelling and immutable national identities-Palestinian-Arab and Jewish-Zionist. Yet, recent historical scholarship has helped clarify the origins of these identities and demonstrated the possibilities of major identity transformations in Mandate Palestine. But what do these studies signify for the conflict? Are present identities to be held as immutable in order to defend related exclusive privileges or struggle for rights, and in what ways is transforming the terms of the conflict inextricably related to transforming the identities themselves? This theme invites papers considering how past and possible constructions of identities relevant to the conflict — such as identities based on nationalism, citizenship, religious affiliation, ideology, colonialism and culture, and victimhood — inform or constrain viable solutions to the conflict in Mandate Palestine. Topics could focus on empirical questions (e.g., mass popular perception; political mood, fears, and will; democratization and citizenship; social and political movements) and/or potential new directions (trajectories of popular thought; engagement with new democratic movements; the reform or redesign of national institutions; implications of altered identity discourses for established and rising leaderships).

Theme 3: The Political-Economy and Geography of Peace 
Theme Chair: Dr Leila Farsakh, Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Massachusetts-Boston
However preferable or inevitable any given solution in Israel-Palestine might seem, its viability inevitably rests on geographic and economic realities shaping the lives of people on the ground. Political leadership and diplomacy must appreciate and confront these hard realities or risk becoming irrelevant and futile. This theme invites empirical analyses of economic and social factors that help clarify parameters for the conflict’s potential solutions: e.g. nature of economic relations between Israel and the Palestinian territories and their likely prospects; poverty rates and trends; health trends; trade patterns; the labour market developments; water and other natural resources; population growth; and the geopolitics of borders. While basing their analysis on empirical data, papers will analyse how these conditions impact prospects for peace and growth in the area and what they should signify for viable solutions to the conflict.

Theme 4:  Arab-African Visions toward Non-racial Democracy in the Middle East
Theme Chair: Dr Gerhard Mare, Director, Centre for Critical Research on Race and Identity, University of KwaZulu Natal (Durban, South Africa)
Africa and the Middle East share much in common regarding colonialism, decolonisation, struggles for democracy, Western intervention, and nation-building. Less commonly recognised is their shared heritage of Western discourse about race and ethnicity, which have interplayed with local identities sometimes to dangerous or lethal effect. Theme five explores this comparison by encouraging new dialogue and shared research between African and Middle East scholars: e.g., in clarifying how concepts of race and ethnicity have fed into relevant national movements and strategies of mobilisation; how race, ethnicity and religion have operated as contested and multiple identities within South Africa, Israel, and Palestine; how such identities have articulated with issues of gender and class; and how regional identity discourses that have historically provided potent fuel for liberation movements (e.g., ‘Arab’ and ‘African’) have or should inform national identities today. One concern is to revisit the historical practices and perceptions that informed struggles for self-determination in colonial Africa, including notions of race and of ethnicity. Another is how colonial and post-colonial notions of race and of ethnicity, originating in the West, shaped, created, and articulated with pre-existing social identities. Here the contributions will centre on Israel and Palestine but could provide wider reference to similar and informative ideological and practical projects – whether in Rwanda, India, Sudan, or South Africa.

 

Read More »Middle east project

Us mid east talks a conspiracy against the palestinians

By Chris Marsden

(source: World Socialist WebSite)

Published by the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI)

Today’s talks in Washington between Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas are a means through which the United States is seeking to further its predatory interests in the Middle East.

The Obama administration placed maximum pressure on Abbas to take part and abandon, in practice if not in words, the PA’s insistence that there would be discussion without an end to settlement construction by Israel.

A 10-month freeze on settlement construction on the West Bank is due to expire on September 26 and Netanyahu has made clear to his party and coalition government allies that it will not be renewed. The Palestinians threatened that there would be no negotiations if this happened and appealed for support from Washington.

The Mid-East Quartet—the US, European Union, United Nations and Russia—are formally opposed to settlement construction. But the US placed no demands on Israel and stressed instead that talks must proceed “without precondition,” as insisted on by Tel Aviv.

Read More »Us mid east talks a conspiracy against the palestinians

Where are the missing settlers?

Where Are The Missing Settlers?

By Jonathan Cook

source: Countercurrents.org

 

"There are about half a million Jews living illegally on land occupied by Israel in the 1967 war. Give or take the odd few thousand (Israel is slow to update its figures), there are nearly 300,000 settlers in the West Bank and a further 200,000 in East Jerusalem…"

Nazareth : Talks between Barack Obama and the Israeli and Palestinian leaderships over the past fortnight have unleashed a flood of media interest in the settlements Israel has been constructing on Palestinian territory for more than four decades. The US president’s message is unambiguous: the continuing growth of the settlements makes impossible the establishment of a Palestinian state, and therefore peace between Israelis and Palestinians.

The implication of Mr Obama’s policy is that, once Israel has frozen the settlements, it will have to begin dismantling a significant number of them to restore territory needed for a Palestinian state.Understandably, in an era of rolling news many media outlets have been scrambling for instant copy on the settlers, relying chiefly on the international news agencies, such as Reuters, the Associated Press (AP) and Agence France-Presse (AFP).These organisations with staff based in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv churn out a stream of reports picked up by newspapers and broadcasters around the globe.

So, given their influence on world opinion and the vital importance of the settlement issue in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, can readers depend on the news agencies to provide fair coverage? The answer, sadly, is: no. Even on the most basic fact about the settlers — the number living on occupied Palestinian territory — the agencies regularly get it wrong.There are about half a million Jews living illegally on land occupied by Israel in the 1967 war. Give or take the odd few thousand (Israel is slow to update its figures), there are nearly 300,000 settlers in the West Bank and a further 200,000 in East Jerusalem.

Sounds simple. So what is to be made of this fairly typical line from a report issued by AFP last week: “More than 280,000 settlers currently live in settlements dotted throughout the Palestinian territory that Israel captured during the 1967 Six Day War”?Or this from AP: “The US considers the settlements — home to nearly 300,000 Israelis — obstacles to peace because they are built on captured territory the Palestinians claim for a future state”?Where are the missing 200,000 settlers?

Read More »Where are the missing settlers?

Israeli intransigence is the only hope

While Palestinian negotiators are weak and prone to sign any peace deal, Israel’s current leaders look set to reject every solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

By Ghada Karmi

(source: Al-Ahram Weekly)

What an irony that the Palestinians’ archenemy, Israel, should also be their saviour. There is a real danger that the Israeli-Palestinian peace talks due to start 2 September in Washington could yield a botched deal that falls far short of the requirements of international law or elemental justice, and sets back the cause of Palestine for decades if not forever. Fortunately, this will not happen as long as Israel’s obduracy can be relied on to save the Palestinians from such a dreadful outcome.

Time and again, when Israel was thrown a lifeline by its Arab neighbours that could have ensured its legitimacy and security, its folly and greed lost it those opportunities. But, since those same opportunities came at great cost to Palestinian rights, Israel’s obduracy had the perverse effect of safeguarding them. All peace proposals after 1967 were based on maintaining Israel as a regional power and forcing the Palestinians to settle for less than they were entitled to. They were repeatedly offered paltry settlements that in effect legitimised Israel’s hold on a majority of their land and undermined their right of return. Had Israel agreed, the Palestinian cause would have been lost long ago.

But it never happened. Israel foiled each proposal and, though robbing the Palestinians of ever more land and resources, the basics of the Palestinian case remained intact. When in the 1979 Camp David negotiations Egypt sought to give the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza a basis for a future independent state, Israel refused. As it also spurned a succession of Arab peace proposals, most recently the Saudi plan of 2002, offering Israel peace and recognition in return for a Palestinian state. And when, in the 1993 Oslo Accords, the Palestine Liberation Organisation finally capitulated and accepted Israel’s occupation of Palestine’s remnants so long as it would end and enable the establishment of an independent state on this morsel, Israel responded by taking more land.

Read More »Israeli intransigence is the only hope