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World conscience on trial

World conscience on trial

By Ahmed Yousef

Date: 15 / 01 / 2009  
  

For the past fifteen days the small area of 150 square miles jammed with one and a half million Palestinians has been subjected to the most brutal military campaign against a civilian population of this new 21st century, and ranks among the most heinous of the 20th.

There is absolutely no equivalence between the limited capabilities of the Palestinian fighters and the military might of Israel’s armed forces, equipped with the most sophisticated technologies, delivering death and destruction by air, land and sea.

 

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Standing by sudan

Standing by Sudan
It won’t be fun for Egypt if Sudan breaks up, or breaks down under pressure. So Cairo stands by Khartoum come what may, notes Gamal Nkrumah

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As unfavorable ideas go, this one is a corker, as far as Egypt is concerned. The choices that confront Sudan preoccupy Egypt. One danger, for both Egypt and Sudan, lies in failing to think clearly about short term and long term. In the short term, peace in Darfur is a priority for both Egypt and Sudan. In the long term, Sudan’s territorial integrity and national sovereignty are at stake. "Egypt seeks peace and we don’t have a hidden agenda," President Hosni Mubarak declared. Egypt proposed a United Nations conference to discuss the ICC indictment of Bashir, even though the Sudanese government declined Cairo’s bid on the pretext that it might lead to the internationalisation of the issue.

"We are only concerned about Sudan’s interests and the welfare of its people," Mubarak stated categorically. He dispatched Foreign Minister Ahmed Abul- Gheit and General Intelligence Chief Omar Suleiman to the Sudanese capital Khartoum to discuss the latest crisis concerning the International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrant for President Omar Al-Bashir. Egyptian officials concur that the primary purpose of Egypt’s solidarity with Sudan is to advance the interests of the "two fraternal neighbouring states," as Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of the People’s Assembly Mustafa El-Feki told Al-Ahram Weekly.

 

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Irans popular choice not favoured in west

IRAN’S POPULAR CHOICE NOT FAVOURED IN WEST

By Iqbal Jassat

Chairman: Media Review Network

Has Ahmadinejad’s re-election by an overwhelming majority of Iran’s 40-odd million voters jeopardized the Islamic Revolution?

 This seems to be the assessment of sectors of the western media intent on sowing confusion and doubt on the legitimacy of the recent presidential elections. For instance, Bill Schneider, CNN’s senior political analyst didn’t even stop there. He went as far as questioning the legitimacy of the entire Iranian government!

It appears that the collective shameful conduct by the European Union and the United States to reject Hamas’ legitimacy following its victory at the 2006 polls in the Occupied Territories is likely to be repeated in Iran.

A superficial media focus on Iran without any substantial insight into it’s history, culture and religious philosophy will not only distort and detract from the complexities of its political makeup; more particularly it will result in faulty analysis.

Shallow reports on the election results and a sense of déjà vu with40of tyres and garbage being burnt on Teheran’s streets by followers of the “reformist” candidate would have the world believe that an electoral fraud of gigantic proportion has been committed by Ahmadinejad to “steal” victory.

 Failure to probe Mir Hussein Mousavi’s “reformist” credentials is an important indicator of the wishful ideologues of change from outside desiring to see the back of Israel’s nemesis: Ahmadinejad.

 Having met Mousavi during his tenure as Prime Minister in the eighties, I am aware that his revolutionary credentials are solid and intact. His so-called “reformist” agenda thus does not imply that under his watch, Iran would abandon its nuclear programme or establish ties with Israel. It’s more to do with internal dynamics related to the economy rather than a reversal of the huge gains made following the ouster of the US-backed Shah during Iran’s Islamic Revolution thirty years ago.

 In the politics of language, terms such as “reformer” give rise to romantic notions of change for a state regularly demonised as “medieval” or “conservative”. In Iran’s case especially since it is targeted by the Zionist regime as posing an “existential” threat and against the backdrop of hostility generated against it by former president George Bush as an “axis of evil” it is clear that people’s imagination in the west may run riot.

 Iran’s democratic credentials have been tested many times over during the last three decades. Presidential and parliamentary elections are regularly held with huge turnouts and the expected disgruntlement of supporters of losing candidates. What is disconcerting this time around is the fact that pro-Mousavi supporters have embarked on a rampage and in doing so as acts of dissatisfaction with the electoral result have ignored Mousavi’s call for calm.

 President Ahmadinejad has an inspiring corruption-free record in his first term and before when he was an effective mayor of Teheran. In addition, his modest lifestyle has endeared him to the ordinary people who in large numbers have given him an additional four years to build on his first term.

 Iran’s traditional antagonists in the west cannot be so dumb as not to realize that the more they seek to undermine Ahmadinejad, they unfortunately sabotage Mousavi’s reputation by unfairly casting him as their favoured puppet.

www.mediareviewnet.com

 

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